The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered among the most significant holders of that position in American history. Whereas countless vice-presidents were limited to minor or symbolic roles, Cheney wielded substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often described as the "true president".
Bush objected to that description and claimed the relationship was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, invariably calling him in public settings as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney viewed the laidback president pliable on a whole raft of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a contingent of conservative hawks that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the downing of any unresponsive planes heading toward the government building.
Cheney claimed the assaults changed him, causing him to be intent on retribution. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Policies
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the waterboarding of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It was the proper decision to do back then. I was convinced then and I hold that view presently."
However even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he later wrote "clear negligence, inaction, and unaccountability: potentially, deception, incompetence, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memo setting out situations in which US concerns might be endangered (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be positioned to operate alone when collective action prove impossible," particularly mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency vaguely intent on carrying out what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of lowering America's participation in the regional tensions and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a plot to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his father's countenance that each person had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous supporting invading Iraq, frequently quoting information documents that were either weak or entirely misleading. He supported what the Bush administration indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney disregarded the report as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and establish procedures to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in monikers imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his lair? This represents a effective way to function, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his commercial relationships pursued him throughout his time as VP. Even though he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but good contacts in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy companies, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his period at the firm rose from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at over $20m|twenty
